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#TheHindu #Editorial

January 31, 2018 Share Like Labels: th

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#TheHindu #Editorial The curious death of Ramkumar

September 23, 2016 Share Like Labels: th

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<p class="body">The alleged <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2d86l8H">suicide of murder suspect P. Ramkumar</a></strong> in the high-security Puzhal Central Prison in Chennai has given rise to many questions and doubts. The claim that Ramkumar, the alleged lone assailant who stalked and killed young Swathi, took his own life by biting a live wire pulled out from a switchboard inside the prison is unusual. His lawyer alleges he was murdered. Even without questioning the suicide theory, it is clear that the prison administration has much to answer for. Ramkumar had <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2cxaqVi">suicidal tendencies</a></strong>, going by the police claim that he tried to slash his own throat when he was about to be arrested. Prison authorities say he was indeed under continuous watch by warders, and that he had been given psychological counselling. More ought to have been done to prevent the incident, as the case had become unusually sensitive, with the public debate assuming strong caste and communal overtones. It is surprising that the closely watched suspect had easy access, at a moment when he was conveniently alone, to a switchboard near the prison dispensary. It also so happened that the CCTV cameras installed in the modern prison did not cover that particular area where he chose to end his life. If he did commit suicide, there has been undoubted lapse in monitoring his movements.</p>
<p class="body">Prison suicides set off questions about the conditions of incarceration in our jails, often seen as overcrowded and understaffed. Suicide by electrocution is rare, as it is not difficult to deny prisoners any form of access to live electrical cables. There is truth in the theory that it is difficult to prevent a person determined to commit suicide, even if some correctional psychologists disagree. There ought to be an initial evaluation of incoming prisoners to identify those with a high risk of suicide. Thereafter, periodic assessments of their state of mind should be made. While continuous watch is inescapable, designing ‘suicide-resistant cells’ and auditing jails to identify and remove possible anchoring points for attempts to die by hanging are other necessary measures. When Ramkumar was arrested there was a sense of reassurance among the public, even though a few demanded a CBI investigation based on a few purported lacunae in the police version. The police were expected to put an end to all speculation about whether he was the ‘real culprit’ by bringing him to trial. It is a pity this did not happen. The Tamil Nadu government should order a judicial probe in order to credibly allay any impression, false though it may well be, that the case was sought to be closed extra-judicially.</p>
<div id="articleKeywords" readability="11">
<p>Keywords: <a href="http://ift.tt/2cxb7On">Swathi murder case</a>, <a href="http://ift.tt/2cxb7On">Ramkumar</a></p>
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<div class="rel-block-news">
<p>RELATED NEWS</p>
<h3><a alt="Updated: September 21, 2016 at 12:01 IST 
 Published: September 21, 2016 at 01:30 IST 
 in TAMIL NADU" href="http://ift.tt/2cxaNPW" title="Updated: September 21, 2016 at 12:01 IST 
 Published: September 21, 2016 at 01:30 IST 
 in TAMIL NADU">Ramkumar broke the switchboard, says FIR</a><span class="rel_timestamp">September 21, 2016</span></h3>
<h3><a alt="Updated: July 14, 2016 at 07:39 IST 
 Published: July 13, 2016 at 21:22 IST 
 in TAMIL NADU" href="http://ift.tt/2d0FcTQ" title="Updated: July 14, 2016 at 07:39 IST 
 Published: July 13, 2016 at 21:22 IST 
 in TAMIL NADU">Ramkumar sent to police custody</a><span class="rel_timestamp">July 13, 2016</span></h3>
<h3><a alt="Updated: September 21, 2016 at 06:48 IST 
 Published: September 21, 2016 at 00:00 IST 
 in CHENNAI" href="http://ift.tt/2cxbkkz" title="Updated: September 21, 2016 at 06:48 IST 
 Published: September 21, 2016 at 00:00 IST 
 in CHENNAI">Ramkumar’s autopsy: Judges differ on medical team</a><span class="rel_timestamp">September 21, 2016</span></h3>
<h3><a alt="Updated: September 19, 2016 at 09:30 IST 
 Published: September 18, 2016 at 18:52 IST 
 in TAMIL NADU" href="http://ift.tt/2d0FNoz" title="Updated: September 19, 2016 at 09:30 IST 
 Published: September 18, 2016 at 18:52 IST 
 in TAMIL NADU">Swathi murder accused Ramkumar commits ‘suicide’</a> <span class="rel_timestamp">September 18, 2016</span></h3>
<h3><a alt="Updated: September 19, 2016 at 11:57 IST 
 Published: September 19, 2016 at 00:00 IST 
 in CHENNAI" href="http://ift.tt/2cxbkB5" title="Updated: September 19, 2016 at 11:57 IST 
 Published: September 19, 2016 at 00:00 IST 
 in CHENNAI">A death that raises many questions</a><span class="rel_timestamp">September 19, 2016</span></h3>
<h3><a alt="Updated: September 20, 2016 at 05:50 IST 
 Published: September 20, 2016 at 00:00 IST 
 in TAMIL NADU" href="http://ift.tt/2d0FVEA" title="Updated: September 20, 2016 at 05:50 IST 
 Published: September 20, 2016 at 00:00 IST 
 in TAMIL NADU">‘Ramkumar had no suicidal tendencies’</a><span class="rel_timestamp">September 20, 2016</span></h3>
<h3><a alt="Updated: September 19, 2016 at 15:49 IST 
 Published: September 19, 2016 at 15:23 IST 
 in TAMIL NADU" href="http://ift.tt/2cxbwAm" title="Updated: September 19, 2016 at 15:49 IST 
 Published: September 19, 2016 at 15:23 IST 
 in TAMIL NADU">SHRC orders probe into Ramkumar 'suicide', cites 'The Hindu' report</a><span class="rel_timestamp">September 19, 2016</span></h3>
<h3><a alt="Updated: September 20, 2016 at 03:56 IST 
 Published: September 20, 2016 at 03:56 IST 
 in TAMIL NADU" href="http://ift.tt/2d0FZ7p" title="Updated: September 20, 2016 at 03:56 IST 
 Published: September 20, 2016 at 03:56 IST 
 in TAMIL NADU">Four-member team to conduct Ramkumar’s autopsy today</a><span class="rel_timestamp">September 20, 2016</span></h3>
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The alleged suicide of murder suspect P. Ramkumar in the high-security Puzhal Central Prison in Chennai has given rise to many questions a...

#TheHindu #Editorial Getting Railways on track

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<p class="body">That it took 69 years after Independence for India to <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2d1c1Cl">merge the Railway Budget</a></strong> with the Union Budget is an indication of how difficult it can be to junk colonial-era traditions that may have outlived their utility. In 1924, when the first Railway Budget was presented, the Railways entailed more funds than India’s expenditure on all other aspects of administration combined. So it made sense to present a separate Budget. That equation changed long ago, and now the Railways’ outlay is just 6 per cent of the total expenditure proposed in the Union Budget for this year. In fact, revenues from the domestic aviation business are more than the Railways’ traffic earnings. Nearly Rs.2.5 lakh crore has been planned this year as defence expenditure, but it found little mention in the Finance Minister’s Budget speech. Yet, <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2cH88CA">the ritual of the Rail Budget</a></strong> has continued even as the economy opened up over the past 25 years. A key reason that it lingered so long is India’s fractured polity and the tendency of coalition partners to demand Railways as a juicy portfolio with its possibilities for populist posturing and patronage. With the luxury of a majority in the Lok Sabha and a Railway Minister like Suresh Prabhu who has refused to use the Rail Budget as a launchpad for new trains and railway lines, the NDA has thrown its weight behind a plan that takes away the annual temptation to make the Railways a vote-magnet.</p>
<p class="body">India’s annual economic jamboree will now be over in two days — the tabling of the Economic Survey followed by the Union Budget — instead of three. Railway Ministers will no longer need to conjure up fancy and often regurgitated promises about new, improved services for passengers without charging them the operational costs of reaching their destination. The pressure to hold commuter fares has skewed the Railways’ freight rates, year after year. Indeed, the change is already being felt; tweaking of tariffs outside the Budget has begun. Consider the changes in coal freight and the introduction of flexible pricing on premium passenger trains. However, the Centre needs to now seriously consider setting up an independent tariff regulator to depoliticise fares. New lines and trains should be determined by economic viability rather than the constituencies covered. Initiatives such as demand-driven clone trains must be deployed to boost earnings, and the Rs.37,000-crore tab on social obligations, including concessional ticketing, must be borne by the exchequer. The Railways’ accounts need to be cleaned up and made bankable. Scrapping the Rail Budget is a good starting point to fix the fading utility. Bringing it back safely on track will take a lot more doing, and undoing.</p>
<div id="articleKeywords" readability="15.888888888889">
<p>Keywords: <a href="http://ift.tt/2d0Eiqt">Railway budget</a>, </p>
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That it took 69 years after Independence for India to merge the Railway Budget with the Union Budget is an indication of how difficult it ...

#TheHindu #Editorial Managing the Cauvery dispute

September 22, 2016 Share Like Labels: th

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<p class="body">Judicial intervention often resolves questions that the executive finds too sensitive to handle. By directing the Centre to constitute a Cauvery Management Board within four weeks, the <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2d7WTGC">Supreme Court has created space</a></strong> for the water-sharing dispute to be handled in a scientific and responsible manner by a legally constituted technical body. The board, assisted by a regulation committee, is the mechanism prescribed by the Tribunal in its final order for implementing its award. It will be a technical body consisting of irrigation engineers and agronomists, and will have independent members as well as representatives of the basin States. It can formulate the manner in which water should be shared in a season of distress. The court’s intervention also exposes the helplessness of governments at the Centre in handling inter-State issues. It is part of a long historical pattern. It was at the instance of the Supreme Court that the <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2chHdP2">Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal</a></strong> was formed more than a quarter century ago; and again, it required court orders to pave the way for an interim award to be passed in 1991, and for it to be notified in the Gazette of India later. It took another order for the Tribunal’s final award of 2007 to be notified in 2013, six years later. The court has done a significant service in nudging the Centre to provide a legal and technical framework for the equitable distribution of water.</p>
<p class="body">This is not the first attempt to create an institutional mechanism. In 2013, the Centre notified the formation of a ‘Supervisory Committee’ consisting of the Secretary, Union Water Resources Ministry, as chairman, and the Chief Secretaries of the basin States as members. That the latest decision of the Supervisory Committee, which directed the <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2coZetZ">release of 3,000 cusecs of water</a></strong> for 10 days to Tamil Nadu, did not find favour with either State shows the difficulties involved in managing inter-State disputes even through an institutional mechanism. The Supreme Court, too, has intervened to double the quantum of water to be released. All this shows that apart from permanent mechanisms, technical panels and seasonal adjudication, a spirit of accommodation is required among the basin States. Also needed is a clearer appreciation of the fact that the entire water yield in the Cauvery basin is not enough to provide for the requirements of both States. It is time for Karnataka and Tamil Nadu to take a hard look at their agricultural economies: the area under cultivation, the number of crops per year and the water-intensive nature of the crops. Unless these are adjusted to suit the water availability, such disputes will keep surfacing.</p>
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Judicial intervention often resolves questions that the executive finds too sensitive to handle. By directing the Centre to constitute a Ca...

#TheHindu #Editorial Putin tightens his grip

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<p class="body">The outcome of Russia’s parliamentary election was never in question. The United Russia party of President Vladimir Putin has dominated the political landscape ever since it was founded in 2001. Even so, the margin of the victory was unexpected. The <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2cJ8QQG">September 18 elections</a></strong> were held against the backdrop of a protracted economic crisis, tensions between Russia and the West, and a war of attrition in the country’s neighbourhood. Lower oil prices and western sanctions have hit ordinary Russians hard. Russia’s economy contracted by 3.7 per cent last year and is expected to shrink further by 0.7 per cent this year. Conventional wisdom suggests that economic hardships trigger anti-incumbency sentiment. But in Mr. Putin’s Russia just the opposite has happened. When the results were declared, his party won more than three-quarters of the 450-member Duma. The Communist Party and the Liberal Democratic Party have retained some presence in the national Parliament, while the Yabloko and the Parnas, the two liberal parties critical of the Kremlin, failed to even enter the Duma. This could partly be because of the lack of a united opposition in Russia. The Communists and Liberal Democrats are hardly opposition parties, and agree with the Kremlin on most policy decisions. The anti-Kremlin parties have failed in, or been hindered from, building a broad base among the electorate. Alexey Navalny, the leader of the popular anti-government protests of 2011, has been barred from contesting elections. Boris Nemtsov, another popular opposition leader, was shot dead last year in Moscow. At present, there is no opposition leader in a position to challenge the personality cult of Mr. Putin.</p>
<p class="body">In any case, memories of the anarchic pre-Putin era may still be prompting Russians to stick by him. Mr. Putin is largely credited with fixing the economy and providing a stable political leadership to the country. Under his watch, Russia has come out of its self-imposed strategic retreat and started playing an active global role. Russia’s annexation of Crimea from Ukraine and a combative foreign policy in Syria and elsewhere have proved popular among his domestic constituents. But the Russian economy continues to be heavily dependent on energy exports. If crude oil prices remain low for long, economic pain will persist. Though the muscular foreign policy is popular at home, Moscow has had to pay a heavy price for it. Whatever Mr. Putin had done in his first and second terms to rebuild ties with Europe, particularly with Germany, lies in a shambles in the wake of the Ukraine crisis. If Mr. Putin wants to rebuild Russia as a credible global power, a persistent economic crisis and a stormy neighbourhood are not going to help.</p>
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The outcome of Russia’s parliamentary election was never in question. The United Russia party of President Vladimir Putin has dominated the...

#TheHindu #Editorial Copyright and copy-making

September 21, 2016 Share Like Labels: th

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<p class="body">The Delhi High Court <a href="http://ift.tt/2cTNu4T"><strong>verdict that photocopying portions</strong></a> of academic publications to make course packs for students does not amount to copyright infringement has been interpreted by many as a victory for the wider public interest of ensuring affordable access to quality educational material. The only question of law that arose in the suit filed by Oxford University Press, Cambridge University Press and Taylor & Francis was whether the making of course packs by the Delhi University by authorising a photocopying store to make numerous copies of course material drawn from different books amounts to copyright infringement. The court says copyright is not a natural or common law right in India, but is subject to statute. It proceeds to hold that photocopying for academic purposes is not an infringement as Section 52(1)(i) of the Copyright Act permits the making of copies of literary works by a teacher or pupil ‘in the course of instruction’, a phrase interpreted to cover whole academic sessions, from the preparation of syllabus onwards.</p>
<p class="body">Given that the <a href="http://ift.tt/2cBmTHc"><strong>law contains provisions barring infringement</strong></a> of copyright and listing acts that do not constitute infringement, there is no doubt that the legislature wanted to balance copyright protection with the public interest in ensuring access. Interestingly, the judge sees the ‘no infringement’ clauses as being consistent with articles in the Berne Convention and the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, which provide for domestic legislation to permit reproductions for specific purposes, as long as they do not conflict with normal exploitation of the works or unreasonably prejudice the rights-holder. The publishers have argued, in vain, that universities should not allow unrestricted photocopying, but instead apply for licences through the Indian Reprographic Rights Organisation, a registered copyright society. The publishers may pursue this aspect in their appeal, if there is one. The verdict may justly raise the concern whether conferring unrestricted reprographic rights on academic institutions will drive reputed publishers out of the field of education. It is true that academic publications, especially international ones, are expensive, putting them beyond the reach of many students. But the question is whether the balance between the competing interests has been fully preserved in the law. If reputed publishers feel that there is insufficient copyright protection and back out of educational publishing in the country, it will be equally injurious to the public interest.</p>
<div id="articleKeywords" readability="7.15">
<p>Keywords: <a href="http://ift.tt/2cB9xIW">copyright law</a>, <a href="http://ift.tt/2cB9xIW">Delhi University photocopying case</a></p>
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The Delhi High Court verdict that photocopying portions of academic publications to make course packs for students does not amount to copy...

#TheHindu #Editorial 500 and counting

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<p class="body">Milestones are curious things in cricket. Round numbers — such as fifty, the century, ten-wicket hauls and career runs in multiples of 1000 allow a measure of achievement in a sport. They also offer a moment’s pause to reflect. As <a href="http://ift.tt/2cRSORA"><strong>India prepares for its 500th Test</strong></a> — a milestone 84 years in the making — it seems apposite to assess its legacy in the game’s classical form. It is also germane to consider the future, given the fear in some quarters that the shorter versions will cannibalise Test cricket. There was certainly nothing in the early years to suggest India would become the economic superpower it is today. Although the great Wally Hammond said new-ball bowler Amar Singh “came off the pitch like the crack of doom” in India’s first-ever Test, against England at Lord’s in 1932, success proved elusive. While there were moments of individual brilliance — Vijay Hazare’s twin hundreds against Ray Lindwall and Keith Miller at Adelaide in 1948, perhaps the most memorable of them — it wasn’t until 1952 that India won a Test.</p>
<p class="body">M.A.K. Pataudi first pursued the idea of a vibrant, united team in the 1960s, and bequeathed it to Ajit Wadekar. The coming together of E.A.S. Prasanna, B.S. Chandrasekhar, Bishan Bedi, and S. Venkataraghavan — spinners the cricket world remains in awe of — and the arrival of the indomitable Sunil Gavaskar not long after, formed the nucleus of the side that beat West Indies and England away in 1971. With the emergence of Kapil Dev — a world-class, all-round match-winner — there was more for other countries to be wary of. But it wasn’t until after the turn of the millennium that India became consistently successful, home and away. The rivalry against Australia, birthed in <a href="http://ift.tt/1zsIUfn"><strong>2001 at Eden Gardens</strong></a>, was transformative. In Sachin Tendulkar, Rahul Dravid, Anil Kumble, V.V.S. Laxman, Virender Sehwag, Sourav Ganguly and Zaheer Khan, India had a Golden Generation. M.S. Dhoni was the first of a new era of players to break through from smaller, less traditional cricket centres, and for a period India was the world’s best team. That crown slipped subsequently, but matters have seldom appeared as encouraging as they do now. At the helm are two men with an empathy for bowlers: Virat Kohli’s declaration last year that bowlers were the bosses in Test cricket was momentous for a culture obsessed with batsmen; and few know more about bowling teams to victory than Kumble. As West Indies and Australia, the only two nations to have put out truly dominant teams, have shown, a lot falls into place when the bowlers are looked after. If the Board of Control for Cricket in India continues being supportive — and it must be commended for laying out a 13-Test home season — the foundation for the next 500 will be suitably robust.</p>
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<p>Keywords: <a href="http://ift.tt/2deIaFz">500 Test cricket</a></p>
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Milestones are curious things in cricket. Round numbers — such as fifty, the century, ten-wicket hauls and career runs in multiples of 1000...

#TheHindu #Editorial Responding to Uri

September 20, 2016 Share Like Labels: th

<p class="body">Gathering evidence regarding the four terrorists who stormed the <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2d7dfLn">army base in Uri, killing</a></strong> 18 soldiers, suggests they are from Pakistan and had been sent across the border explicitly for this attack. In fact, the entire operation has the fingerprints of <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/1VjGQQw">Pakistan’s military establishment</a></strong>, showing yet again the country’s persistent use of terrorism as state policy. The four terrorists reportedly got to the camp early in the morning, in all probability across the Line of Control just 6 km away. The terrorists carried automatic rifles, under-barrel grenade launchers and other equipment, most of it with Pakistani markings, according to Director General of Military Operations Lt. Gen. Ranbir Singh. Over the last three decades or so, India has been at the receiving end of Pakistani statecraft of terrorists unleashed to attain state objectives; Uri is the latest provocation. India has limited manoeuvrability as far as a military response goes. Narendra Modi’s restrained, but firm, response is an indication that India may not play the reckless game many would like it to. Condemning the “cowardly” attack, he said those behind it would not go unpunished — the heavy-lifting will in all probability be done diplomatically.</p>
<p class="body">In responses in New Delhi, and on the ground in Kashmir, one thing has emerged: that India still does not have a comprehensive national policy to deal with domestic militancy as well as <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2bjs0uH">cross-border terroris</a></strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2bjs0uH">m</a>. Given India’s inconsistent and incomplete responses, the adversaries, both states and terror organisations, are able to exploit, and often poke fun at, the lack of a robust national doctrine. The latest attack also captures the complex reality of India-Pakistan ties and the <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2c1JBa4">Kashmir issue</a></strong>. It calls for an alert security grid and sophisticated policy responses; neither can be achieved by rhetoric and simplistic blame games. The Indian security forces have been dealing with militancy and cross-border infiltration since Kashmir went up in flames in the late 1980s. The gradual decline in violence in the Valley over the years was reversed starting 2014, and since then strife in the Valley and infiltration from the Pakistan side have both steadily climbed. The Prime Minister should take the lead to bring together leaders across the spectrum to work towards finding peace, while drawing up a national security doctrine that is free of biases and myopia. India needs to let its adversaries know it is a power capable of more than mere rhetoric — while assuring its own people that its options are rooted in constitutional values. For both, a well-documented national security doctrine could be a first step.</p>
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Gathering evidence regarding the four terrorists who stormed the army base in Uri, killing 18 soldiers, suggests they are from Pakistan and...

#TheHindu #Editorial The road from Bratislava

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<p class="body">Unity and cohesion were conspicuously absent at the Bratislava castle where the EU 28 minus 1 met to discuss the post-<strong><a href="http://ift.tt/29SOHod">Brexit world</a></strong>. Nobody is harbouring any illusions. German Chancellor Angela Merkel and European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker admitted that the EU is in an ‘existential crisis.’ Brexit is only the latest symptom of the fear and discontent that have spread across the continent, fuelled by the migrant crisis, Islamophobia, Eurozone woes and terrorist attacks. Friday’s meeting was organised by <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2deNf3E">Donald Tusk</a></strong>, President of the European Council, that provides strategic direction to the EU, in order to ‘diagnose’ the situation and to forge a united path forward. This is not going to be an easy task given that the bloc is split into factions, mainly around issues of economics and migration.</p>
<p class="body">‘The Bratislava Declaration’ offers a road map for the next six months, on migration, border security, counter-terrorism, defence and economic and social development, providing political backing to measures announced by Mr. Juncker in his State of the Union address in Brussels. Europe is much like a stack of Jenga blocks at present. Each move needs precision and care in order to preserve the integrity of an increasingly tenuous union. The declaration identifies various areas for action. Some of these are likely to find wide acceptance, such as funding for strategic investments across the region, establishing a common capital market across the EU and acquiring advanced traveller information to secure borders. Other areas, such as migration, are more contentious. Hungarians will participate in a national referendum in October to decide whether they will accept the recommended share. The EU must find a creative, humane and effective solution to receive and resettle refugees. Another contentious proposal is the European army. Mr. Juncker had proposed that member-states move towards pooling and centralising their defence and diplomatic resources. While there may be advantages with regard to defence procurement and operational efficiency and capabilities, it is exactly this kind of a ‘more Europe’ response to a problem that has left EU member-states and citizens disenchanted and fearful of what they see as Brussels’s overreach. Brussels will do well to heed the lessons of Brexit. This can be done in at least two ways. First, by focussing on the big picture and on areas where it has a comparative advantage while letting national governments take the lead in others. Second, by encouraging members to engage more rigorously with their citizens on EU issues — explaining policies and their outcomes, collecting feedback, and inviting ideas. These steps will go a long way towards, to use Mr. Tusk’s phrase, not letting this crisis go to waste.</p>
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Unity and cohesion were conspicuously absent at the Bratislava castle where the EU 28 minus 1 met to discuss the post- Brexit world . Nobod...

#TheHindu #Editorial Coherence in the neighbourhood

September 19, 2016 Share Like Labels: th

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<p class="body">Over the past week, <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2cvVGXh">India played host to Afghanistan</a>’</strong>s President Ashraf Ghani and <a href="http://ift.tt/2cBVPsm"><strong>Nepal’s Prime Minister</strong></a> Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’, visits that marked a repair of relationships with both countries. Mr. Prachanda’s meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi was cordial, and though no large announcements were made, the message that’s gone out is that both countries wish to put the bitterness of the past year and the economic blockade behind them. New Delhi is acutely conscious of Mr. Prachanda’s challenges: a potentially shaky tenure in office given his coalition’s narrow majority, the difficulty in building a two-thirds consensus for the constitutional amendments he has committed to, as well as the massive task of reconstruction after the <a href="http://ift.tt/2d4pHzx"><strong>April 2015 earthquake</strong></a>. As a result, it didn’t force him to commit on a timeline for amendments demanded by Madhesi and other groups that feel marginalised by the new Constitution. The joint statement referred to Mr. Modi welcoming “the ongoing efforts of the Government of Nepal to take all sections of the society on board for effective implementation of the Constitution,” but it didn’t mention the word amendment. India instead focussed on delivering on its own promises to Nepal, including hydropower and highways infrastructure projects. This shows a maturing of New Delhi’s position, since the phase of stern statements against the Koirala and <a href="http://ift.tt/2cwGA0W"><strong>Oli governments on the Madhesi issue</strong></a>.</p>
<p class="body">With Mr. Ghani, the outreach began a year ago, after it became clear that Afghanistan had lost confidence in Pakistan’s ability to bring the Taliban to book or to the table for talks. Moreover, the U.S., Afghanistan’s biggest security provider, made a shift in its old policy of cutting India out of the security equation, and actively encouraged New Delhi to help provide military assistance to Kabul. Even so, during Mr. Ghani’s visit, India opted for a less overt approach to Afghanistan’s ‘wish list’ of helicopters, tanks and ammunition assistance, with the joint statement and agreements signed merely mentioning their “resolve to counter terrorism and strengthen security and defence cooperation as envisaged in the India-Afghanistan Strategic Partnership Agreement.” Mention of Pakistan’s support to terrorist groups was muted as well. However, Mr. Ghani did give a scathing account of Pakistan’s actions at a speech at a Delhi think tank later. The Afghan and Nepali visits had another common thread, of landlocked countries in need of road and railway trade routes. It is hoped that, going forward, India will take a leadership role in maximising their options, as it has done with Afghanistan through the Chabahar port project in Iran.</p>
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Over the past week, India played host to Afghanistan ’ s President Ashraf Ghani and Nepal’s Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’,...

#TheHindu #Editorial Coherence in the neighbourhood

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<p class="body">Over the past week, India played host to Afghanistan’s President Ashraf Ghani and Nepal’s Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’, visits that marked a repair of relationships with both countries. Mr. Prachanda’s meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi was cordial, and though no large announcements were made, the message that’s gone out is that both countries wish to put the bitterness of the past year and the economic blockade behind them. New Delhi is acutely conscious of Mr. Prachanda’s challenges: a potentially shaky tenure in office given his coalition’s narrow majority, the difficulty in building a two-thirds consensus for the constitutional amendments he has committed to, as well as the massive task of reconstruction after the April 2015 earthquake. As a result, it didn’t force him to commit on a timeline for amendments demanded by Madhesi and other groups that feel marginalised by the new Constitution. The joint statement referred to Mr. Modi welcoming “the ongoing efforts of the Government of Nepal to take all sections of the society on board for effective implementation of the Constitution,” but it didn’t mention the word amendment. India instead focussed on delivering on its own promises to Nepal, including hydropower and highways infrastructure projects. This shows a maturing of New Delhi’s position, since the phase of stern statements against the Koirala and Oli governments on the Madhesi issue.</p>
<p class="body">With Mr. Ghani, the outreach began a year ago, after it became clear that Afghanistan had lost confidence in Pakistan’s ability to bring the Taliban to book or to the table for talks. Moreover, the U.S., Afghanistan’s biggest security provider, made a shift in its old policy of cutting India out of the security equation, and actively encouraged New Delhi to help provide military assistance to Kabul. Even so, during Mr. Ghani’s visit, India opted for a less overt approach to Afghanistan’s ‘wish list’ of helicopters, tanks and ammunition assistance, with the joint statement and agreements signed merely mentioning their “resolve to counter terrorism and strengthen security and defence cooperation as envisaged in the India-Afghanistan Strategic Partnership Agreement.” Mention of Pakistan’s support to terrorist groups was muted as well. However, Mr. Ghani did give a scathing account of Pakistan’s actions at a speech at a Delhi think tank later. The Afghan and Nepali visits had another common thread, of landlocked countries in need of road and railway trade routes. It is hoped that, going forward, India will take a leadership role in maximising their options, as it has done with Afghanistan through the Chabahar port project in Iran.</p>
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Over the past week, India played host to Afghanistan’s President Ashraf Ghani and Nepal’s Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’, v...

#TheHindu #Editorial Political malady and legal remedy

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<p class="body">Those looking for loopholes are always one step ahead of those seeking to plug them. For decades, since the ‘aaya ram, gaya ram’ days of Indian politics, Parliament and courts have been coming down on mass defection and frequent change of party loyalties. But no piece of legislation is a deterrent when politicians, for what are usually self-serving reasons, decide to switch parties. After the Supreme Court restored the <a href="http://ift.tt/29OI5YG"><strong>Congress government in Arunachal Pradesh</strong></a> in July, most of the party’s MLAs returned under the leadership of a new Chief Minister, Pema Khandu. But, in a couple of months, they have again deserted the Congress to join the People’s Party of Arunachal, a constituent of the North-East Democratic Alliance, <a href="http://ift.tt/2cO5NZ0"><strong>a front led by the Bharatiya Janata Party</strong></a>. The reason adduced for the switchover is laughable: to have better relations with the BJP-led government at the Centre. In effect what the MLAs have done is get over the legal hurdles to defection. Once the Supreme Court restored the Congress government of Nabam Tuki, those who had deserted the party returned on condition that Mr. Khandu, and not Mr. Tuki, be the Chief Minister. This must have seemed the easiest way to stay in power for those who had allied with the earlier government of Congress rebels led by Kalikho Pul. Now, in a replay of the mass defection, the Congress rebels have taken care to play by the book. There is no unseating of the government, no withdrawal of support by the ruling party’s MLAs. Instead, the change is neat and clean, from a Congress government to a pro-BJP PPA government. The Governor had no role; and a legal challenge to the realignment is made that much more difficult.</p>
<p class="body">Several legislative efforts have been made to curb defections. The 52nd Constitution Amendment provided for disqualification of defectors other than in the case of a split in the party, involving a group of not less than one-third of its members. A later amendment disallowed splits, and provided only for merger in cases where at least two-thirds of the members of one party merged with another party. This too did not prove to be a deterrent, as has been evident in Arunachal Pradesh. True, defections engineered through unscrupulous means undermine democratic institutions and subvert the people’s mandate. But, so far, the cure for this malady in the form of legislation does not seem to have had any effect. When defection is made more difficult, the means adopted become even more inventive. Ideally, the matter of dealing with defection should be left in the hands of the voters. Legal remedies to what is essentially a political issue will never work.</p>
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Those looking for loopholes are always one step ahead of those seeking to plug them. For decades, since the ‘aaya ram, gaya ram’ days of In...

#TheHindu #Editorial A break-up foretold

September 17, 2016 Share Like Labels: th

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<p class="body">Sometimes the symptom, and not its underlying cause, seems like the real problem. If Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti has anything to worry about, it is not the resignation of her party MP, <a href="http://ift.tt/2cLRWjr"><strong>Tariq Hameed Karra</strong></a>, but the issues he raised while announcing his decision to quit the Peoples Democratic Party and the Lok Sabha. Despite his call to like-minded people to “join” him, Mr. Karra is unlikely to get critical support within the party to threaten Ms. Mufti’s standing in the PDP. However, while drawing attention to the unrest in the Kashmir Valley, and the “civilian killings”, he has also pointed to the irreconcilable differences between the PDP and its alliance partner, the Bharatiya Janata Party. Mr. Karra might have been politically opportunistic in the timing of his resignation, but there is no way the PDP can get away from having to define, to its political constituency, the nature of its relationship with the BJP. Ideologically, the PDP has more in common with the National Conference than with the BJP. But, after a fractured mandate in the 2014 Assembly election, it chose to ally with the BJP rather than explore the possibility of an alliance with the NC and the Congress. The NC was a rival, with the support bases of the two parties overlapping in many areas of the Valley. The BJP, however, had its base in Jammu and did not compete with the PDP. Short-term political calculations inevitably led to a PDP-BJP alliance.</p>
<p class="body">To be sure, Ms. Mufti had grappled with the contradictions in the relationship with the BJP before she was sworn in as Chief Minister following the death of Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, her father. But the BJP, just as conscious as the PDP of the need to protect its own vote bank, did not give an inch while renegotiating the terms of engagement. Not surprisingly, she failed to wrest any major concessions from the BJP. Whatever the nature of Mr. Karra’s political ambitions, he has framed the dilemma for Ms. Mufti. Clearly, she cannot go into an election in alliance with the BJP. Both the PDP and the NC, at different points, have allied with the Congress. But the BJP, with its Hindutva plank, is a non-starter as an electoral ally for any party seeking to represent the Muslims of Kashmir. The coalition government of the PDP and the BJP is likely to fall before the Assembly election, but it is in the interest of both parties to remain together in power for the longest period possible. The break-up seems like an event foretold; what is uncertain is the nature of the trigger and the timing.</p>
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Sometimes the symptom, and not its underlying cause, seems like the real problem. If Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti has an...

#TheHindu #Editorial Towards a national health policy

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[unable to retrieve full-text content] The Supreme Court’s order directing the Centre to ask States to end the oppressive practice of steri...

#TheHindu #Editorial Running in the family

September 15, 2016 Share Like Labels: th

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<p class="body">Akhilesh Yadav’s tussle with his “uncles” has been a <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2cVTY3z">consistent feature of his tenure</a></strong> as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. But the rapid developments of this week could mark the deepest fissure in the ruling Samajwadi Party. In the span of a few hours on Tuesday, <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2cnO1qR">tensions that have simmered ever</a></strong> since Mr. Yadav came to power in early 2012 rose to a crescendo. Mr. Yadav shifted out the State Chief Secretary, Deepak Singhal, who had been in the post for only two months, a man seen to be close to Shivpal Singh Yadav, brother of his father and SP chief, Mulayam Singh Yadav. In no time, the Chief Minister was replaced by Mr. Shivpal Yadav as the party’s U.P. unit president. Thereafter, Mr. Akhilesh Yadav stripped his uncle of most of the portfolios he held in the Cabinet. There the matter now rests, with party confabulations with Mr. Mulayam Singh shifting to Delhi, and the young scion issuing statements asserting his writ as Chief Minister of U.P. How this realigns the SP’s lines of authority, and eventually shapes its campaign for the Assembly elections, depends on what gives in the family feud.</p>
<p class="body">The Chief Minister and his “uncles” have made moves and counter-offensives on a crowded chessboard these past years, with Mr. Mulayam Singh keeping the ultimate command in his own hands. The Opposition, for its part, never loses the opportunity to highlight how the Chief Minister is undermined by his “uncles”, those related by blood and those who exercise authority by virtue of their long stint in the party — the allegation is that in effect the State has four-and-a-half chief ministers. The result of this tussle is that at every point of discord, it is made evident that the Chief Minister does not hold enough sway over the party organisation — in turn, Mr. Akhilesh Yadav loses no opportunity to emphasise that his calling card in politics is clean, aspirational governance that is focussed on development and law and order. In the run-up to the State elections, he is seeking to foreground this image, and pushing back on the discord with his uncles. A day before the Chief Secretary’s sacking, he dismissed two Ministers caught in corruption charges, evidently without securing his father’s nod. Earlier, he forced the revocation of a Shivpal-engineered merger of the Quami Ekta Dal into the SP, on account of its criminal antecedents. Mr. Akhilesh Yadav could, in fact, pull this discord to the party’s electoral advantage. He does not carry the burden of incumbency issues, primarily the politics of patronage and rent-seeking. But for this to happen he may have to force his father to show his hand more unambiguously and recover some control of the SP’s State unit.</p>
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Akhilesh Yadav’s tussle with his “uncles” has been a consistent feature of his tenure as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. But the rapid de...

#TheHindu #Editorial Sapping India’s vitality

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<p class="body">The death of several people in Delhi linked to an outbreak of <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2cnNzJq">dengue, chikungunya and malaria</a></strong> has once again exposed the inadequacy of national public health programmes that aim to eliminate vector-borne diseases. There was a sharp increase in the incidence of chikungunya in the country in 2015 over the previous year, although official data do not attribute any deaths to the infection. Dengue cases have also steadily risen, from 75,808 in 2013 to 99,913 last year, with the death toll rising from 193 to 220 during this period. The footprint for malaria has grown, with over 1.1 million cases last year, although the number of people dying from the infection has shown a recent decline, going by official statistics. It must, of course, be borne in mind that there is some evidence of under-reporting of malaria, leading to the criticism that the full impact of the disease is not captured by government data. Delhi’s residents are, of course, not alone in suffering from the failures of long-running vector control programmes, although they are justified in feeling disgusted at the <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2cVUkax">politicisation of the problem</a></strong>. The irony is that India, with its focus on rapid economic growth and prosperity, is nowhere near victory in the battle against productivity-sapping infections spread by mosquitoes and other insects, while a nimble neighbour like Sri Lanka could declare itself malaria-free.</p>
<p class="body">There are several aspects to the <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2c90gY7">Sri Lankan experience</a></strong> that could help evaluate the efforts of India’s States in their battle to control disease-spreading vectors. Better results were achieved by the island nation through integration of different approaches. This includes focussing on mosquito control in irrigation and agriculture, introducing new classes of insecticides for residual spraying within houses, and scaling up distribution of insecticide-treated bed nets even in areas caught up in conflict. Mobile centres for access to diagnostics and treatment also helped halt disease transmission. For India to achieve its goal of eliminating malaria by 2030, and curb other vector-borne diseases, there has to be sustained effort and political will. The dengue map for 2015 shows that Delhi, Punjab, Haryana, West Bengal and Gujarat were the worst-affected. On chikungunya, Karnataka needs special help, as it has a disproportionately higher incidence compared to other States. Evidently, it will take active surveillance and close collaboration with local governments to eliminate the hotspots. Mobilising the community to participate in sanitation campaigns holds the key, although families that live in deprived neighbourhoods will need generous municipal assistance, improved civic facilities and access to free health care.</p>
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The death of several people in Delhi linked to an outbreak of dengue, chikungunya and malaria has once again exposed the inadequacy of nat...

#TheHindu #Editorial Sharing without caring

September 14, 2016 Share Like Labels: th

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<p class="body">Emotions often trump reason. The Cauvery water dispute is turning out to be less about water and irrigation and more about linguistic chauvinism and regional identity. Nothing else can explain the <a href="http://ift.tt/2cqRmVO"><strong>mindless violence in Karnataka</strong></a> and Tamil Nadu over the Supreme Court order asking the former to release water to the latter, keeping in view the distress situation in both States in a season of deficit rainfall. Many of the acts of violence have been perpetuated in the two States by chauvinistic, fringe organisations that have little to do with the farming community or its interests. It is clear that there is insufficient water in Karnataka’s reservoirs to meet the full irrigation needs of both States. The point of the Supreme Court order was to make the States share their distress and not to magically fulfil the needs of farmers on both sides. But political parties and some media houses, especially regional language television channels, have sought to portray the issue as one that pits the people of one State against that of the other. Indeed, the two major national parties, the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party, have taken different stands in the two States on this issue. No party or State government appears to believe it can afford to be seen as taking even so much as a conciliatory step toward defusing the crisis. On some previous occasions when Karnataka released water in a distress year the State government did so quietly so as to not give chauvinistic elements any opportunity to inflame passions.</p>
<p class="body">Cauvery is an inter-State dispute, but this is no reason to turn the issue into a raging controversy that draws the peoples of the two States into confrontation. That Tamil-speaking people settled in Karnataka for generations are made to feel insecure, and business establishments run by entrepreneurs tracing their familial ties to Karnataka are targeted in Tamil Nadu are indications of how the water dispute goes beyond the interests of the people and becomes mixed up with the emotive issue of linguistic identity. Ideally, as stipulated by the Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal, the technicalities of water-sharing should be left to the Cauvery Management Board, which is to monitor the water flows with the help of the Cauvery Regulation Committee and the respective State authorities. If Cauvery is not to be made a plaything in the hands of chauvinists, the governments of the two States as well as at the Centre need to send out a strong signal to the marauding mobsters that violence, in whatever name, will be put down strongly by the security forces. As laid down by the CWDT, the issue of water-sharing should be left in the hands of technical experts, and not politicians who are hostage to the emotions of a parochial fringe.</p>
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Emotions often trump reason. The Cauvery water dispute is turning out to be less about water and irrigation and more about linguistic chauv...

#TheHindu #Editorial The ceasefire in Syria

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<p class="body">The agreement reached between Russia and the United States in Geneva on <a href="http://ift.tt/2crjE7p"><strong>a ceasefire in Syria</strong></a> is perhaps the best opportunity for a solution to the five-and-a-half-year old civil war. Under it, Russia will prevent the regime of President Bashar al-Assad from bombing rebel-held areas, while the U.S. will join hands with Russia in the fight against jihadist groups, including the Islamic State. The <a href="http://ift.tt/2cdNUzg"><strong>broad framework of the deal</strong></a> is the Putin Plan, made public a year ago while announcing Russia’s intervention in Syria. Vladimir Putin wanted Syrian statehood to be restored and the major powers to come together in the fight against the jihadists. When Russia made the proposal at the UN General Assembly, not many had expected that Moscow and Washington would come together on Syria. The U.S.’s initial response to the Russian intervention was sceptical, with reservations about Russia attacking non-IS rebel groups. There were fears about the conflict escalating into a full-blown war. Instead, the Putin Plan seems to have worked, albeit with a heavy human cost. The intervention has bolstered the Syrian regime, changing the balance of the conflict. Mr. Assad’s regime was on the verge of collapse a year ago; it is now stable at least in its strongholds. The rebels’ influence has shrunk, though they appear to be unbeatable in many of the small towns they control. This stalemate and the fear of more bloodshed may have prompted both the U.S. and Russia to play down their differences.</p>
<p class="body">This time, the prospects for peace are brighter given the investment the two military powers have made. Both the rebels and the regime have welcomed the deal. There are positive changes at the regional level as well. Turkey, a staunch supporter of the rebels, had recently said Mr. Assad could play a transitional role in Syria. Two big challenges remain. First, can Russia halt Mr. Assad’s fighter jets? Though Moscow wields strong influence over Damascus, it has in the past expressed uneasiness over the stubbornness of the regime. The regime is now making gains in the battlefield. Even if Mr. Assad agrees to suspend the bombing, it is not clear if he will be prepared to make any meaningful compromises in the peace talks. Second, the rebels fighting the regime are not a unified force. Russia wants Fateh al-Sham, a former affiliate of al-Qaeda, to be singled out and attacked. The U.S. has agreed to this suggestion in principle, but its practicality is uncertain. However, the odds should not overshadow the significance of the agreement. If the ceasefire is clearly established, that itself would be quite an achievement given the horrors of the war.</p>
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The agreement reached between Russia and the United States in Geneva on a ceasefire in Syria is perhaps the best opportunity for a solutio...

#TheHindu #Editorial State of the Congress campaign

September 13, 2016 Share Like Labels: th

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<p class="body">Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi’s “kisan yatra” continues to roll through Uttar Pradesh. In advance of the Assembly elections due early in 2017, Mr. Gandhi is on a <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2c07zTd">Deoria-to-Delhi trek</a></strong>, and in its early days he has managed to keep the spotlight on his presence in various ways. His “khaat sabhas” created a flutter as some rural folk, invited to sit around informally, <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2cxiMxg">took off with the stringed cots</a></strong>. The subsequent wisecracks by political opponents about Congress workers struggling to stop the flight of the khaats were, wisely, dovetailed into the message of acute rural distress that the party is seeking to amplify. A poor farmer making off with a freebie as basic as a charpoy <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2c7SCO6">was being called a thief</a></strong>, said Mr. Gandhi, taking aim at the BJP government at the Centre, while flamboyant businessmen who dupe banks were being politely referred to as defaulters. So far, Mr. Gandhi has taken <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/2ck53Zl">pot shots at all his opponents</a></strong>: he said the elephant (the election symbol of the Bahujan Samaj Party) has eaten away everything, the cycle (symbol of the ruling Samajwadi government) is punctured, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi takes selfies with the powerful, not with ordinary farmers. If this gives the appearance of indiscriminate attacks on all foes, the strategy may in fact be rather more carefully calibrated. The Congress must know it has no chance of succeeding in its avowed aim of winning the election alone — but to count as a political force in U.P. and at the national level, the party needs to be seen to be backing itself, and being the primary spokesperson of the electorate’s aspirations.</p>
<p class="body">That these roadshows are not about U.P. alone is obvious from the absence from the frame of the Congress’s chief ministerial candidate, Sheila Dikshit. Whether the roadshows will meet with the level of success that Sonia Gandhi’s 2004 campaign through U.P. or Mr. Gandhi’s own 2009 mobilisation did is still uncertain. Each of those journeys through U.P. gave the Congress the ability to throw its voice farther on the national stage. Those were, however, Lok Sabha campaigns, in which the Congress has tended to fare better than in State elections. For instance, it got 21 (out of 80) Lok Sabha seats in 2009, but three years later managed just 28 (out of 404) Assembly seats. Since then, in the singular summer of 2014 the BJP’s campaign left the Congress and the two regional giants witless. So the Congress campaign is being waged as much against the incumbent government in Lucknow as that in New Delhi. Mr. Gandhi’s media managers have succeeded in moderating the surround sound of the yatra — with no sectional vote base anymore, the Congress now has the opportunity to unveil a cohesive, inclusive manifesto.</p>
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Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi’s “kisan yatra” continues to roll through Uttar Pradesh. In advance of the Assembly elections due earl...

#TheHindu #Editorial They are the world

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<p class="body">The findings of the Unicef report, <em>Uprooted: The Growing Crisis for Refugee and Migrant Children</em>, could not be grimmer. Over 50 per cent of the 50 million children who have migrated or been forcibly displaced across borders are said to have fled violence. About one in three children who live outside their country of birth <strong><a href="http://ift.tt/1P4PqDm">is a refugee</a></strong>. The much smaller ratio of displacement for adults — less than one in 20 according to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees — reveals the starkness of the situation. The UNHCR says that in the decade ending 2015, the number of child refugees almost doubled. Last year, Syria and Afghanistan alone accounted for nearly half the world’s child refugees, highlighting the brutal impact of the war on a segment of society that had little to do with the conflict directly or otherwise and is the most vulnerable. The last decade saw two landmark rulings on the conscription of child soldiers. The first was the 2007 judgment of the UN-backed tribunal for Sierra Leone against three men from a rebel armed group. The other was the conviction of Congolese warlord Thomas Lubanga by the International Criminal Court in 2012.</p>
<p class="body">Against this backdrop, the dramatic rise in school enrolment under a global universal primary education drive, or the halving of infant mortality rates under the Millennium Development Goals, seem like postcards from another universe. The shocking reality of trafficking in boys and girls, conscription by armed groups in conflict zones and exploitation in the sex trade has overshadowed these advances, portending both immediate and long-term danger to whole generations. Paradoxically, the recommendations of the Unicef report are so comprehensive that short of swift and sweeping changes in global policy and practice, they are unlikely to yield tangible results. A case in point is the suggestion that governments should address the root causes of conflict, violence and extreme poverty, and instead divert scarce resources to fulfil more fundamental necessities of life. The spirit underlying this idea is as compelling as the complexities of realpolitik that impede its translation into action. This is evident in respect of the challenge of combating international terrorism by a delineation of its political antecedents. Conversely, the idea to dispense with the detention of children seeking refugee status and to do away with reporting requirements, potentially benefiting 11 million, is a more pragmatic proposal. <em>Prima facie</em>, there is merit in this approach, as governments may be expected to take a more sympathetic view on humanitarian imperatives.</p>
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The findings of the Unicef report, Uprooted: The Growing Crisis for Refugee and Migrant Children , could not be grimmer. Over 50 per cent o...